Perdi Pezon

 

Laboru!

 

Dankon al Tommy Devoid

HALTIGU LA BARBARECON ! - Stop this Barbarism the conflict in Gaza

Stop the Barbarism!

Once again the flames of war have sparked into life in the Palestine/Israel region. This time Hamas took the inciative to start the atrocities. They did not act alone in this attack, militants from the PFLP also took part in the armed assaults. The pictures are unbearable: civilians murdered in the streets, and in their homes, the taken of hostages etc.

Although the Israeli government conducts a system of political Apartheid, which has even been acknowledged by Tamir Prado, the ex-director of Israel's Intelligence service. But that does not justify the conscious murder civilians. That is as condemnable as the murder of Palestinian civilans by the Israeli army! Without a doubt the response of the Israeli government will be just as terrible as it is blind. Already buildings in Gaza are being bombed and electricity has been cut throughout the whole territory. 

We can only express our deepest fears and concern for the civilian inhabitants, Palestinian and Israeli both hostages to their respective governments in this conflict, and we must remember that during these past months the civilian populations had been demonstrating against their own governments and this lethal politics; over the past weeks, especially since the 30th of July thousands of people in Gaza have been protesting against the rule of Hamas under the slogan "We Want to Live!"

At the same time in Israel, tens of thousands had repeatedly took to the streets to oppose the right wing policy of the government which was no longer capable of controlling the protests and was heading toward collapse. 

The attacks by Hamas therefore have occurred while on both sides of the wall of shame thousands of people had begun to organise themeselves against their rulers. 

The violence unleashed by these attacks will unite the people with their corrupt rulers and strengthen the nationalist fervour, fueled by desires for mutual revenge.

In Gaza, Hamas is calling for the whole population to rally behind its flag in an united front. Already Netanyahu has formed a government of national unity. The thousands of reservist soldiers who have been striking for weeks after announced the break up of their movement!

This attack also has an international dimension. It happened after the leader of Hamas met with Ayatollah Ali Khamenei the leader of Iran and while Saudi Arabia - an enemy of Iran- has begun building official relations with Israel. Hezbollah the terrorist puppet of Iran in Lebanon has already declared that "the attack by Hamas against Israel sends a message to anyone who tries to normalise relations with Isreal or hopes that the Palestinian struggle is dead".     

In the aftermath it is the inhabitants of Israel and Gaza who will pay the price for this bloody game played between states in order to cement their own power.

Once again, those who decide to have a war are not those who die in it. 

Once again, the civilian will suffer, from Sderot to Gaza. All ideologies of power, especially nationalism and religious fervour are the pillars of logic that encoruages people to kill each other for the benefit of the rulers of the world.

CNT-AIT

During the pandemic two nurses in Ramdam hospital display an essential message.
"We refuse to be enemies. For a just and lasting peace!"

HALTIGU LA BARBARECON !
Denove la milito ekflamas en la Palestina/Israela regiono.
Ĉi-foje la Hamaso prenis la iniciativon komenci la
barbarecon. Ĝi ne estas sola en tiu atako, ankaŭ sturmantoj
de la FPLP partoprenas la armitajn agojn. La bildoj estas
neelteneblaj: civiluloj murditaj sur la stratoj aŭ hejme,
ostaĝigoj.
Kvankam la israela registaro kondukas politikon
kvalifikitan apartismo, eĉ de la eks-direktoro de la israelaj
spionservoj Tamir Prado, tio tute ne pravigas plenkonsciajn
murdojn de civiluloj. Tio estas tiel kondamnindaj kiel
mortigo de palestinaj civiluloj fare de la israela armeo !
Sendube, la milita respondo de la israela registaro estos
same terura kaj blinda. Jam konstruaĵoj de Gazao estis
bombaditaj kaj elektro estas interrompita en la tuta teritorio.
Ni nur povas esprimi la plej grandajn timojn por la civilaj
loĝantoj, palestinaj kaj israelaj, ostaĝigitaj de la iliaj
respektivaj registaroj en tiu konflikto kaj tio, dum tiuj
loĝantoj manifestaciis de monatoj kontraŭ siaj propraj
registaroj kaj ties mortigaj politikoj: dum la lastaj semajnoj,
kaj precipe la pasintan 30an de julio, miloj da Palestinanoj
manifestaciis en Gazao kontraŭ la politiko de la Hamaso per
la slogano « ni volas vivi ».
Samtempe en Israelo, dekoj da miloj da israelanoj multfoje
surstratiĝis kontraŭ la politiko de la dekstra registaro, kiu ne
plu kapablis kontroli la manifestaciojn kaj direktiĝis al
kolapso.
La atako de la Hamaso do okazas, kiam – ambaŭflanke de
la muro de la honto – la loĝantoj komencis memorganiziĝi
kontraŭ siaj estroj.
La perforto senbridigita de tiu atako tute male unuigos la
loĝantaron ĉirkaŭ tiuj koruptitaj estroj, plifortigante la
naciismajn sentojn nutratajn per deziroj de reciproka venĝo.
En Gazao, la Hamaso alvokas la sakralan unuiĝon malantaŭ
sia flago. Jam Netanjahu anoncas registaron de nacia unuiĝo
; la miloj da rezervistaj soldatoj, kiuj strikis de semajnoj
anoncis interrompon de sia movado !
Tiu atako aliparte intervenas, dum la ĉefo de la Hamaso
renkontis la ajatolon Ali Khamenej en Teherano pasintan
junion, kaj ke Sauda Arabio – reĝimo malamegata de Irano
– interdiskutas kun Israelo por starigi oficialajn rilatojn. Jam
la Hizbulaho, terorisma marioneto de Irano, anoncis, ke « la
ofensivo de la Hamaso kontraŭ Israleo konsistigas mesaĝon
al tiuj, kiuj provas normaligi siajn rilatojn kun Israelo por
esprimi, ke la palestina lukto ne mortas ». 

Post la israela loĝantaro, ja la loĝantaro de Gazao pagos la
prezon de tiuj sangoplenaj ludoj inter Ŝtatoj por certigi sian
potencon.
Unu plian fojon tiuj, kiuj decidas militojn ne estas tiuj, kiuj
mortas en ĝi…
Unu plian fojon, la civiluloj suferos, de Sderoto ĝis Gazao.
Ĉiuj ĉi ideologioj uzitaj de la potenco, nome naciismojn kaj
religiojn, estas la pilieroj de tiu mortiga logiko, kiu instigas
la homojn intermortigi sin por la plej granda profito de la
estroj de tiu mondo.
CNT-AIT
http://cnt-ait.info/2023/10/09/halte-a-la-barbarie/
dankon al nia amiko http://neniammilitointerni.over-
blog.com pro la traduko

 

1915: Two Obituaries of Sifo (Shifu)

 

 

Shifu's gravestone. Photos courtesy of the Chinese Anarchist Front.

 

This notice first appeared in the Esperanto language journal La Ondo de Esperanto (The Esperanto Wave) in July 1915 and can be viewed online here. 

Shifu was an influential Chinese pioneer of Anarchism. He changed his name on several occasions and was known as Shifu at the end of his life, though in English he's remembered under the name Liu Shifu. He was also an active Esperantist and used the pen name Sifo for Esperanto writings. I translated a short biography of his life earlier, which may help explain some points.

 Sifo

Shifu the editor of the Esperanto and Chinese language weekly newspaper The Voice of the People, died in Shanghai from tuberculosis. We take some biographical details about Shifu from his publication's 23rd issue. Shifu was born in 1884 in Hongsang* in the province of Canton. He was an extraordinarily talented boy in his youth. At the age of fifteen, he became a "Sin-Can"** the highest student in the local examinations. He participated energetically within the Chinese political movement and provided a lot of assistance to the well known Doctor Sun Yat-Sen. Sifo edited a progressive newspaper in Hong Kong and opened a school for women.

He was gravely wounded by an explosion and had to have his left hand amputated. Furthermore, he was arrested and while in prison he wrote the text On the reform of prison. After reading this text, the city officials were so stunned by the talent demonstrated by the author that they ordered his release. In total Sifo spent three years in prison, while incarcerated he also wrote texts on linguistics, including a book on the Canton Dialect. In 1912 Shifu founded an Esperanto group and became a Vice delegate for the U.E.A (Universal Esperanto Association). In 1913 Shifu published The Voice of the People, an Esperanto and Chinese language newspaper. It wasn't long before the new newspaper was suppressed and Sifu had to flee to Macau (the Portuguese Colony***) but the Portuguese authorities also disrupted the publication of Voice. 

Shifu published Voice, until the money ran out. He was an editor, administrator and printer at the same time. That is why he grew weaker with the publication of each issue, the work finally consumed him totally. When he fell ill, his poverty prevented him from seeing a doctor for treatment. Friends begged him to sell his printing press (Shifu's press was operated by hand, or in his case one-handed) but Shifu refused.

Shifu adored Lev Tolstoy and founded Conscience, a group whose principles were as follows:

1. Against Meat eating,
2. Against alcohol
3. Against smoking
4. Against slavery
5. Against using human vehicles (I.e. Rickshaws and pedicabs)
6. Against marriage
7. Against families
8. Against deputation 
9. Against political parties
   
10. Against state officials
11. Against war
12. Against religion

During his sickness, his friends begged him to eat meat, but he kept his principles until his death. 

We acknowledge the highly civilized principles of Shifu, but express extreme regret over his death. China has lost one of the most fervent and sincere pioneers of the international language. 

*I have not been able to figure out what the modern name of the city is, the English language biographies just refer to him being born in the Canton area.

** I don't know what that means, I believe this is an academic achievement, the second obituary by the British Esperantist goes into a bit more detail about this period of Shifu's life and I found a little more information in some brief biographies written in English.

** Returned to the control of the People's Republic in 1999.

Obituary from the British Esperantist, published in 1915, the original article can be found online here. And continues onto the following page.

Mr Sifu

Here is a biography of a remarkable man, excerpted from The Voice of the People, a weekly Chinese and Esperanto language newspaper. We present it here without changes.

Biography of Mr Sifu

Mr Shifu was born in 1884 in the city of Hongsang in Canton province. He was an extraordinarily talented boy in his youth. At the age of fifteen, he became a "Sin-Can" the highest student in the local examinations. However, he did not want to submit to the institution which demanded he behave like a slave. Instead, he taught himself about many practical sciences and read every kind of book he could find. Although he learnt without a guide, he came to understand many subjects at a profound level. In 1901 an 18-year-old Shifu appalled by the suffering of the people and disgusted with the rot and corruption of the government organised a public speech in his home city to inspire a political revolution, it made a good impression. He later travelled to Japan. While in Japan, he met Sun Yat-sen who was staying in Japan to recruit supporters for his organisation "Tongmenghui" after the failure of his revolt in Huizhou (1900). Shifu assisted Sun Yat-sen for a time. Shortly after, Shifu returned to China and started publishing a progressive newspaper in Hong Kong and founded a school for women. In 1907 the revolutionaries attempted to resume their activities. At that time, the official Lee Tseng ruled over Canton and opposed the revolutionary movement. Shifu believed that the first step had to be the removal of this devil.  Sifu lay in wait one morning with a suitcase for Lee Tseng to pass-by on the road, unfortunately the suitcase exploded before Lee Tseng had appeared. Shifu was wounded in the arms, head and chest. The police sent him unconscious to a hospital, after a month in hospital and a surgical amputation of his left arm he recovered from his wounds. Of course, he was tried in a courthouse. 

Shifu defended himself on several pretexts, but due to suspicion was sentenced to prison. While in prison, a living hell, he wrote the text On the reform of prison. After reading this text, the city officials were so stunned by the talent demonstrated by the author that they ordered his release. In three years of prison, instead of giving in to depression, he worked on the book "Cantonese Dialect", a work so brilliant that even famous linguists admired it. After leaving prison, he met with some sympathisers and founded a group for assassinations. In 1911 a member of this group Lin Kaun-Si threw a bomb at Lee Tseng while Shifu wished to go to Beijing to kill the Qing Prince Regent Zaifeng. Shifu was in Shanghai when the Qing Emperor abdicated, seeing a good opportunity to promote his ideas, he returned to Canton and founded the Fui Min (The Cock crows in Darkness) school.  

As you know, Chinese students of Anarchism in Paris had already begun publishing a Chinese language newspaper, The New Times. In its pages, many translations of different Anarchist ideas appeared, including Bakunin and Kropotkin. However, importing these ideas into China proved very difficult. Fui Min collecting The New Times and published them as small pamphlets that were easy to circulate, effectively becoming the soil seed of Anarchism planted within China. 

In 1912 Shifu founded an Esperanto group and soon became a Vice delegate for the U.E.A. In the summer of 1913 when civil war broke out within China he witnessed with his own eyes the crimes of the warlords and fervently attacked militarism in articles that were published in both Esperanto and Chinese in the newspaper The Voice of the People Issues 1 and 2. As a consequence The Voice was suppressed and Shifu had to escape persecution to Macau which is ruled by the Portuguese. But the Portuguese authorities agreed with their Chinese counterparts to prevent the publication of Shifu's work. That is why The Voice has only reappeared now after two years of great hardship. In July of last year, Shifu founded the "Anarchist-Communist Group" in Shanghai, which is influencing the founding of regional groups to spread Anarchist ideas throughout China.

 Shifu was brave, tolerant, decisive and hard-working. He published The Voice, with no funds and very few assistants. He was also its editor and administrator, but none of this frightened him. It is true that he was also quite sickly, as such he would fall ill after every issue of The Voice appeared and would rest for a short time before working just as hard as before once he started to recover. Understandably, this consumed his young life. When he fell ill, his poverty prevented him from hiring a doctor. We begged him to sell his press (his printing press was operated by hand) but he refused, explaining that the press was the sole source of life for our ideas in the East. It would be futile to save one person by selling it. 

Later with the help of some friends we were able to send Shifu to hospital, but alas! It was too late. The disease is incurable and so, at 10 o'clock in the morning of the 27th of March 1915 Shifu passed away aged 31. 

Shifu adored Lev Tolstoy not just for his wisdom, but also for his morality. Together with some friends, he founded Conscience, a group whose principles were as follows:

1. Against Meat eating,
2. Against alcohol
3. Against smoking
4. Against slavery
5. Against using human vehicles (I.e. Rickshaws and pedicabs)
6. Against marriage
7. Against families
8. Against deputation 
9. Against political parties
   
10. Against state officials
11. Against war
12. Against religion

During his sickness, his Doctor advised him to eat meat to keep his body strong, but he kept his principles until his death.

K. Ch. San

From Russia; We Demand freedom for Azat Miftakhov - Ni postulu liberecon por Azat Miftakhov

 

 

Translated into English from an Esperanto language article hosted at Neniammilitointerni.

 Since 2019 Azat Miftakhov has been imprisoned by the authorities of the Russian Federation. Azat is a young Mathematician and doctoral student at the Lomonosov Moscow State University, and an Anarchist activist. He was sent to pre-trial detention for two years before being sentenced to a six-year prison term on trumped-up charges based on false testimony acquired through torture. 

In fact, one of the two accusers whose testimony alleged that Azat threw a smoke grenade through the window of the office of United Russia, the political party of Putin, was conveniently found to have died before a cross-examination could take place. 

A third "witness" is now a refuge in France and in March 2023 wrote to the online journal Mediapart, describing the torture he received by the FSB to secure a denunciation of Azat. Currently, that testimony has not been used against Azat, but it could form the basis of a future persecution.

Statements of support demanding Azat's release come from all over the world and have multiplied and include Non Governmental Organisations like Memorial and Human Rights Watch, intellectuals, Russian academics, over 2,500 Mathematicians from in 2022 and Mathematical societies in France, Italy, Brazil, the USA, and union activists in several unions including the Russian University Solidarity union. 

While his release is supposed to happen any day between now and September 2023, we fear based on the information we have received that the Russian security services are plotting fresh charges against him to keep this university student in prison for years to come. 

For freedom of expression in Russia
For Human Rights
Azat must be freed

The Russian Federation has invaded Ukraine and is increasing the risk of a widespread escalation. We, the defenders of peace, consider the freedom of expression of the Russian people and the freedom of expression of all people's involved in is the decisive question to find a way out for the peoples of Ukraine and Russia.

 We, university students, intellectual, political activists, union members, elected representatives, association officials, journalists, citizens etc, in diversity of our opinions and activities - forewarned by the Russian student group FreeAzat, add our voices to those already expressed across the world. We solemnly demand that the government of the Russian Federation release Azat.

 Links to show support (in French)

Please add your voice:

ttps://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfJfoCxgSOwFbmcQXwtzE1SIabfJLC4ud6B-WL1knrU_L73Ow/viewform?pli=1

First list of signatories:

https://blogs.mediapart.fr/solidarite-freeazat/blog/020623/liberte-pour-azat-miftakhov

Second list of signatories:

https://blogs.mediapart.fr/solidarite-freeazat/blog/230723/liberte-pour-azat-miftakhov-deuxieme-liste-de-signataires

A video made by supporters of Azat explaining the case in greater detail.

 

Some additional context

Here is some additional information. Originally in 2019 Azat Miftakhov was arrested on a charge of manufacturing explosives. He was detained in a police station for three days and was tortured. Since he still refused to co-operate and maintained his innocence, he was released due to lack of evidence. But before his release was processed, new charges against him relating to allegedly damaging a United Russia party office were filed based on the testimony of several people who were also tortured.
 

Reddebrek

The ISK [Militant Socialist International] and its relationship to Vegetarianism and Esperanto

 

 

The ISK [Militant Socialist 

International] and its relationship to

 Vegetarianism and Esperanto

 

Text of a lecture for the Vegan Meeting in Castle Gresilion Paris on the 2018-05-11.

1. ISK

2. Vegetarianism in the ISK: History according to End the Slaughter!

3. ISK, Esperanto and SAT

4. Sources

[Note; While translating the first section of Gary Mickle's text I discovered that most of the first section had already been translated into English and was being used as the English wikipedia page entry for the ISK. So I used that and translated the parts that were not in it. Section 1's Political ideas through to the end is my translation. Reddebrek]

1. ISK

The Internationale Sozialistische Kampfbund (ISK) was a socialist split from the Social Democratic Party (SPD) during the Weimar Republic period, and it was active in the resistance against National Socialism (Nazism). Internationally it used the names Militant Socialist International (in English), Internationale Militante Socialiste (in French) and in Esperanto the name Internacio de Socialista Kunbatalo.

History

Founded in 1925 the ISK was the political organisation and platform for a circle that had gathered around the philosophy of Göttingen Leonard Nelson and his collaborator Minna Specht. It was preceded by an organization the International Socialist Youth League (ISJ) that arose in the context of the youth movement of the turn of the century, founded by Nelson and Specht in 1917 with the support of Albert Einstein. Leonard Nelson, philosophically speaking heavily tied to Neo-Kantianism- wanted to become a University Professor whose political impact surpassed the limits of the University. He was a defender of an ethically motivated, anti-clerical, anti-Marxist, but also anti-democratic oriented socialism, which included strict compulsory adherence to animal protection and vegetarianism. Nelson decided to found the ISK, after the ISJ were expelled from both the Communist Party (KPD) in 1922 and the SPD in 1925.

The ISK took over the ISYL's publishing label, Öffentliches Leben, which published the ISK newsletter beginning January 1, 1926. Beginning January 1929, an edition in Esperanto was added, and in April, a small circulation quarterly in English was added as well. It was usually eight pages and editions ran an average of 5,000 to 6,000 copies. Nelson moved his main published works there as well, his philosophical and political series Öffentliches Leben and his 1904 treatises, "Abhandlungen der Fries’schen Schule, Neue Folge", re-reasoned with mathematician Gerhard Hessenberg and physiologist Karl Kaiser, and which, after Nelson's death, was continued by Nobel Prize winner Otto Meyerhof, sociologist Franz Oppenheimer and Minna Specht until 1937.

With the growing electoral success of the Nazis at the end of the Weimar Republic, the ISK founded the newspaper, Der Funke to confront the situation. Of particular note was the "Urgent Call for Unity" (Dringender Appell für die Einheit) regarding the July 1932 federal election. It appeared in the newspaper and on placards all over Berlin. Calling for unity and support of the SPD and the KPD in order to thwart further gains by the Nazis, it was signed by 33 leading German intellectuals, including scientists Albert Einstein, Franz Oppenheimer, Emil Gumbel, Arthur Kronfeld, the artist Käthe Kollwitz, writers Kurt Hiller, Erich Kästner, Heinrich Mann, Ernst Toller and Arnold Zweig and many others.[3]

The ISK continued to work in the resistance after the 1933 Nazi ban. The ISK had destroyed all written party records and until 1938, remained undetected, while the larger parties, the KPD and SPD, were being battered by massive arrests. The ISK was therefore able to continue its resistance work, helping political refugees leave the country, conducting sabotage and distributing leaflets. In 1938, however, a wave of arrests hit the ISK.[4] A main focus of the work was the attempt to build a clandestine trade union, the Unabhängige Sozialistische Gewerkschaft ("Independent Socialist Union"), which also supported the Internationale Transport Workers' Federation.[5] The ISK's best known act of resistance was the sabotage of the opening of the Reichsautobahn on May 19, 1935. The night before Hitler's trip to inaugurate the new highway, ISK activists wrote anti-Hitler slogans, such as "Hitler = War" and "Down with Hitler", on all the bridges along the route between Frankfurt am Main and Darmstadt, where he was to travel.[6] The Nazi propaganda film produced of the event had to be edited numerous times.

In exile, the ISK also published the Reinhart Briefe ("Reinhart Letters") and Sozialistische Warte, which were then smuggled into Germany. Because of their factual and unpolemical reporting, these were valued by various members of the German Resistance. The ISK was linked with the Socialist Vanguard Group in England and the Internationale Militante Socialiste in France.

ISK members after 1945

After World War II, the ISK was merged into the SPD on December 10, 1945 after talks between Willi Eichler, chairman of the ISK and Kurt Schumacher, then chairman of the SPD. Most of the former ISK members then joined the SPD.[5]

One prominent member of the ISK, Ludwig Gehm, was later the national vice chairman of the Committee of Formerly Persecuted Social Democrats (Arbeitsgemeinschaft ehemals verfolgter Sozialdemokraten) and a Frankfurt am Main city council member from the SPD. Eichler, who was chairman of the ISK for many years, represented the SPD in the Bundestag from 1949 to 1953 and is considered one of the main authors of the Godesberg Program. Alfred Kubel was a member of the Lower Saxony state government for many years and was Ministerpräsident from 1970 to 1976. Hamburger ISK member Hellmut Kalbitzer was elected to the Bundestag several times, served in the Hamburg Bürgerschaft and from 1958 to 1962, was vice president of the European Parliament. Fritz Eberhard, who was in the ISK until 1939, was a member of the Parlamentarischer Rat ("Parliamentary Council") and was involved in writing the postwar constitution, including the right to conscientious objector status in the new laws of the Federal Republic of Germany.

Eichler also published a monthly magazine from 1946 until his death in 1971, Geist und Tat, which was devoted to "rights, freedom and culture" and he had a publishing house, Europäische Verlagsanstalt until the 1960s.

Structure

The ISK never set out to amass a large membership, but rather to become an active and hard-hitting organization. Membership requirements for prospective candidates included adherence to a certain ethical socialism that were more stringent than for the major parties.

• Members were to abstain from nicotine, alcohol and meat, were to be absolutely punctual and orderly, and because of the anti-clerical position of the organization, withdrawal from church affiliation was mandatory

• Participation in a trade union, the ISK and the labor movement was general requirement for members (eliminating passive membership)

• Instead of a membership fee, there was a "Party tax," which all members with an income over 150 Reichsmarks had to pay

The ISK never had more than 300 members, largely because of the strict requirements for membership. These members were organized into 32 local groups. However, its political work involved sympathizers, between 600 and 1,000 in 1933. A survey in 1929 revealed that 85% of ISK members were under 35 years of age.

Chairmen of the ISK (formerly, the ISYL)

• 1922–1927, Leonard Nelson and Minna Specht

• 1927–1945, Willi Eichler and Minna Specht

From 1924 to 1933, the ISK (and its forerunner, the ISYL) maintained its rural school, the Walkemühle in the Adelshausen quarter of Melsungen, Hesse and from 1931 to 1933, its own newspaper, Der Funke, both of which were banned by the Nazis.

Political Ideas

The relationship between the rank and file ISK membership and its founder and chief ideologue Leonard Nelson has been described as a “personal cult”. Nelson rejected the democratic principle, in which the majority decision is to be treated as rational. In its place he used what he called a rational-leader-principle, which has some obvious problematic elements. Nelson promoted the concept of a rational dictatorship, believing that it was possible to ascertain in an objective manner what needed to be done. The ethics of science would become the foundation of a politics of science. Nelson believed that science could show what is just, i.e. in accordance with moral law, so the rational individual who has a keen enough grasp of science will know the moral and intellectually best ways to run society they must be free from limits. An all-powerful state should carry out any and all reforms deemed necessary.

Nelson opposed the Marxist teachings of the historical necessity of capitalism to the development of socialism and communism. Instead he promoted human responsibility and the necessity of a “moral compass”. He based these beliefs in his readings of Immanuel Kant.

Since its creation ISK was strictly anti-nationalist and anti-militarist. During the war Eichler publicly expressed opposition to the dogma of national sovereignty. The ISK also practiced sexual equality amongst its membership by promoting equality of rights for women.

The group promoted a mix of non-authoritarian and authoritarian structures within its orbit. On the one hand its educational service Walkemühle instructed both adults and youths on the importance of critical thinking and some of the latest concepts of the time. While on the other hand ISK described the training of civil servants as an example of authoritarianism.

 

Poster of the “Internationaler Sozialistischer Kampfbund” (ISK), a foundation of
Leonard Nelsons for the parliament elections in 1932. Signed by Kronfeld, Albert Einstein
and Franz Oppenheimer and well known artists like Kurt Hiller, Erich Kästner, Karl and
Käthe Kollwitz, Heinrich Mann, Ernst Toller and Arnold Zweig.

 

2. Vegetarianism in the ISK and the anti-Fascist Resistance

As described, a vegetarian way of life was a mandatory membership condition in ISK. Through its publications it propagated vegetarianism in Germany and abroad. It organized group visits in slaughterhouses to convince the workers to renounce their work and the other violent ways humans relate to animals. Willi Eichler ISK co-president since 1927 documents one of these visits in his 1926 essay “Even Vegetarians?” Recently that essay has been circulated again by social democrats acting in the group Sozis für Tiere (Social Democrats for animals). Willi Eichler would join the SPD in the aftermath of the Second World War and moderate his politics. He led the commission that developed the social democratic Program of Godesberg (accepted in 1959), in which the idea of socialism appeared only in a very diluted form, and which many later regarded as a road map for the right-wing in that party. I could not find out if he remained a lifelong vegetarian.

Nelson agreed with Eichler: "A worker who wishes more than a guarantee he will not become a capitalist and for whom the fight against all exploitation is a serious matter, he does not bow before the pressure of public opinion toward the habit of exploiting harmless animals, he does not participate in the daily millionfold murder."

The resistance activity of the ISK against the Nazi rule was effective, if we consider the enormous difficulties and the small membership. Cunning means were applied, and one of them made use of vegetarianism - more on that later.

At the beginning of Nazi rule, the ISK formulated 4 objectives for resistance activity: information, propaganda, anti-Nazi actions, and security for the group. One means was illegal leafleting. The Nazis held elections of worker representatives in companies, admitting only "suitable" candidates. The ISK campaigned for a vote of no confidence against all candidates - until the Nazis gave up on the elections in 1936 due to the lack of popular support for their picked candidates. (Only 50-60% voted for the official list.) Also in 1936, ISK members also collected money in workplaces for the resistance in Spain.

At the inauguration of a highway, it was discovered that the bridges were painted overnight with chemicals that can be seen only when daylight hits them, and the speaker systems had been sabotaged. Two SS members were later executed for insufficient vigilance. Invisible paint, which is visible in daylight, was also used for to daub slogans on the pavement, using suitcases with a special mechanism. A grassy hill next to the Berlin railway was chosen for an action using fertilizer poured from canisters. After a few weeks the hill was marked with the slogan "Nieder mit Hitler" [Death to Hitler].

The ISK also discussed a plan to kill Hitler via a suicide attack, but the plan was opposed by some members and did not go beyond discussions.

The anti-Nazi activity included a set of vegetarian restaurants, which ISK members operated in several cities and used for clandestine purposes. Some had opened before 1933, the remainder opened after the rise to power from the Nazis. Large restaurants were founded in Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt am Main and Bochum. According to one report, the Hamburg restaurant prepared 120 lunches a day.

They were often led by women, but both men and women worked in them. The working day was long and the pay low. The restaurants served several purposes: to provide work to the unemployed, to generate a profit that was used for resistance activity, enable contact between resistance agents in a relatively unsuspicious place, serve as bases for production and distribution of illegal printing material etc. However, they also served for promote vegetarianism.

A wave of arrests in 1937 forced many restaurant workers to flee abroad or to live in hiding. Two fugitives founded vegetarian restaurants in Paris and London. The restaurant in Paris became a contact point for exiled Germans and was also a source of funds. The same for the restaurant in London. There they were supported by a group linked to Nelson inside the Labour Party, the Socialist Vanguard Group, the British affiliate to the Militant Socialist International (ISK).

Here is a somewhat extensive quote from a document from the City Archives of Göttingen, which captures the atmosphere of the era and also paints a picture of the spread of vegetarianism in Germany at the time and the political implications of it, e.g. the spread of the legend about Hitler being “Vegetarian”:

Next to the premises of the ISK in the city, the vegetarian restaurant can be seen, operated by the mother of Fritz and Helmut Schmalz on Weenderstraße 71/72. August Schmalz was member in the ISK since 1927; she had already led vegetarian cooking courses in the Walkemühle. Vegetarian restaurants were a financial pillar of the organization, although more profitable and useful for that purpose were the restaurants in the bigger cities like Berlin, Hamburg (Anna Kothe worked there since 1934, who for a long time worked in the headquarters in Göttingen as a housekeeper), Cologne or Frankfurt. Auguste Schmalz's vegetarian luncheonette has been around since at least 1931 and was a regular meeting place. Hannah Vogt recalled: “I remember a place in Weender Straße – which was led by the mother of trade unionist Fritz Schmalz – where everyone had a vegetarian lunch. Many of them regularly met there.” Since spring of 1933 the premises were observed, however the police failed to prove that the guests of the Schmalz lunchroom participated in anti government discussions.

The income opportunities that opened up with such a restaurant also attracted the greedy gaze of the "Volksgenossen" [Nazi term, roughly means People’s comrades, used as a term for correct i.e. Nazi behaviour]. In a letter to the rector of the university at the end of October 1933, someone proposed a remedy against an urgent lack of food for the students. He said that among the 4,000 students there are at least 150 vegetarians, "who now wish to live according to the way of life of our people's chancellor", but can't, because "the only vegetarian lunch place here (...) is run by the ex-communist Schmalz". According to the writer, he even makes an advertisement by posting it on the blackboard of the auditorium, despite the fact that it is possible to prove, "that the students are being influenced by propaganda there, acting at that in a very refined manner”. The author of the letter thought his “most noble task to provide the students of the University of Göttingen with the cheapest high-quality food, in accordance with the new theory of nutrition". Of course he hoped for the support from the rector for his "valuable idea, also represented by Hitler, Rudolf Hess, Göbbels (!) and even many professors in Göttingen". Schmalz's lunchroom survived despite these attacks and denouncements at least until the beginning of the war.

3. ISK, Esperanto and SAT

The ISK attempted to spread beyond the borders of Germany in their early days and adopted Esperanto as one of the means to achieve this.

Registered in bibliographies is the edition of the quarterly Esperanto-language Organo de Internacio de Socialista Kunbatalo since 1929 (before the appearance of a similar publication in English). After the Autumn of 1933 it appeared in Paris under the name The Critical Observer: magazine of politics and culture. It continued to be published until the end of 1939 if not longer. Hermann Platiel was credited as its editor after the move to Paris, but its possible that he occupied that position earlier.

The ISK published a daily newspaper Der Funke [The Spark] for 14 months, between 1932-01-01 and 1933-02-17. Then it was banned. The release necessitated great sacrifices, inevitable for such a small organization. Notable in it is the striving for a working class united front against the looming fascism and the very critical reporting on nationalism in general. The complete journal collection is now archived online. There you can find three kindly written articles about SAT and its congress from 1932 in Stuttgart. Although one would expect that their author would be Hermann Platiel, the authors used initials ("M. H.", "Rpt.", "O. W.") do not match that assumption.

Some excerpts from the articles:

Party political neutrality among the Worker Esperantists (from Der Funke 1932-06-05) In the Esperanto Labour movement, whose most important, global organization is SAT (World Anti-national Association), the party political disputes, especially between the CP and the SP, was not missing. In Germany there are already in many cities separate communist and social democratic Esperanto groups. All the more gratifying that the president of SAT, Lanti, who also publishes the Esperanto newspaper Sennaciulo, stands entirely on the ground of the party political neutrality of SAT. In an open letter to many SAT members he assumes a position against the communist attempts to link SAT to a definite political program, by which the CP wants to secure for itself a better foundation for its domination. The CP wants first, that SAT compels all members to recognize Marxism as “the correct basis on which the firm unity of the proletarian Esperantists can be founded".

[…]

In addition, Lanti quite rightly throws back the opinion that non-Marxist viewpoints such as those of Nelson, Kropotkin or Gesell should remain undiscussed in the newspaper, because "the vast majority of organized workers recognize Marxism as the theoretical basis for their class struggle”. That is totally incorrect - let's think about England, Spain or India!

[…]

It is desirable that Lanti's positions continue to be guiding SAT and its newspaper, so that the very desirable propaganda for Esperanto as an international means of understanding, especially as a tool for a fighting working class should not be hindered by a dogmatic and party-politically narrow framework.

We greet the Esperantists in Stuttgart [title originally in Esperanto] (from Der Funke 1932-08-06) In the second week of August, the 12th congress of ... SAT meets in Stuttgart. […]

SAT for two reasons is particularly called to work on the creation of the socialist united front: Its members are linked by the bond of a common language. […] SAT also fulfills an important prerequisite for the collaboration in the creation of united front of the various workers parties. The management of SAT has been resisting firmly and successfully for years against the disrespect of party political neutrality within the Association. [...]

The working Esperantists in Stuttgart (from Der Funke 1932-09-01) The 12th congress of the world association of working Esperantists (SAT) 250 comrades from 12 countries participated despite the bad economic situation.

[…]

The most important result of the congress was the re-securing of the party political neutrality of SAT.

[…]

Also the efforts to change the current structure of SAT – a union of all the proletarian Esperantists without regard to their nationality or race - by associating national associations, were unanimously rejected.

With the exception of the proposers, all the comrades emphasized the necessity right now, of a front between the workers and the growing wave of nationalism, not only emphasizing the international connectedness of the proletariat, but also to practically realize it, for which purpose the present stateless organizational form offers the best basis.

[...]

Its known that Hermann Platiel was both an ISK and SAT member. Born in 1896 (or possibly 1886) and died in 1980, Platiel was hired as an administrator for the SAT office in Leipzig from the 8^th of May 1929 until 1932. In Leipzig he also led the local ISK branch. After Lanti stood down from the post it was Platiel who became the President and Director of SAT from 1933-35. SAT published his text History of the schism in the Workers Esperanto-Movement: Documentation which shows the causes and responsibilities and prepares the foundation for united action. He then became the secretary of the French Esperanto section of ISK 1938-39. I do not know if he has been active in SAT since the 40s or maintained any relationship with Esperanto at all. Petro Levi who joined SAT shortly after the war does not remember seeing him when I asked, and I was not able to find anything online, though of course there are still other sources to check,

In 1943 he illegally fled to Switzerland, and worked for the "Schweizer Hilfswerk" (Swiss Relief Fund) and wrote reports for the London foreign leadership of ISK. Before the escape to Switzerland he was located in the southern French city of Montauban, to which he fled from the internment camp in Gurs. There he married with well-known ISK member Nora Platiel (née Block). In 1949 they settled in the German city of Kassel, where Nora began a career as a court jurist and then a representative of the Hesse parliament (for the SPD). Hermann worked as a director of a theatre in Kassel, according to reports with great commitment.

This summary of facts about ISK's relations with Esperanto and especially with SAT is very incomplete. Further research would be worthwhile. Research in the archive of SAT in Paris should provide insights about that, also about Hermann Platiel personally, and would answer the question whether he and possibly others ISK members played a role in the then Vegetarian Section of SAT, which we can guess, but do not know now.

4. Sources

• Das Schlachten beenden!, Verlag Graswurzelrevolution, Nettersheim 2010 [GWR estas

monata ĵurnalo kaj eldonejo dediĉitaj al senperforta anarkiismo, kun ekologia emfazo kaj

simpatianta kun veganismo; pli ĉe www.graswurzel.net]

• Heiner Lindner: Um etwas zu erreichen, muss man sich etwas vornehmen, von dem man

glaubt, dass es unmöglich sei – Der Internationale Sozialistische Kampf-Bund (ISK) und

seine Publikationen, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2006, http://library.fes.de/pdf-

files/historiker/03535.pdf

• Vikipedio germanlingva: ISK, Nora Platiel kaj esperantlingva pri Hermann Platiel

• urba arkivejo de Göttingen: http://www.stadtarchiv.goettingen.de/widerstand/texte/isk-

goettingen_1933-1935.html

Gary Mickle

Translated into English by Reddebrek

In Russia, the mirage of support for the war - Le Monde Diplomatique

 

In Russia, the mirage of support for the war

Source article.

 

 

Unmanned drones over the Kremlin, evacuation of civilians in the region of Belgorod, an attack on the nationalist writer Zakhar Prilepin: In May, Kyiv intensified its operations on the territory of Russia. Will these symbolic actions really undermine the credibility of the government? Although the effect of the wave of patriotism still exists, criticism of the elites is also increasing and does not only concern opponents of the war...

At first glance, the Russian ship of state appears to be weathering the storm the Kremlin unleashed when it invaded its Ukrainian neighbour. More than a year after the start of the war, the country's economy is in recession but has not collapsed (-2.1% in 2022). If we believe the results of opinion polling companies, even those independent of the state(1)¹, a majority of the population still favours continuing the "special military operation". But the cracks in Russian society are widening, revealing some surprising points of agreement: regardless of their opinion on the war, more and more Russians distrust the "elites". Already noticeable before the start of the invasion in February 2022 (2)², this mistrust is growing.

At a time when the climate of fear is intensifying in Russia, it is very difficult to feel the pulse of society, but sometimes useful lessons can be drawn from the methodical remarks made by the independent opinion polling companies. One example is the drop in response rates. According to Russian Field, a company that conducts marketing studies and opinion polls, only between 5.9% and 9.3% of respondents now answer all of its questions about the "special military operation", a rate three or four times lower than that of pre-conflict opinion polls (3)³. In one of its polls last February (4)⁴, the company asked respondents if they preferred initiatives that would intensify the offensive or those that could bring about peace. Only 27% said they support intensification, compared to 34% who preferred steps to peace.

Three groups deserve particular attention. The "party of war" which, according to opinion polls, represents between 25% and 37% of respondents, approves the persecution of dissidents, declares itself ready to sacrifice social policy in favor of military goals, and condemns deserters. This opinion is particularly well represented among the elderly and groups with high incomes. At the other end of the spectrum, the "party of peace" - between 10% and 36% of those surveyed - consists mostly of young people and the poorest respondents. Those who are between the two extremes either say that it is difficult to answer, or give contradictory answers. Although they are often opposed to an intensification of the war, they nevertheless yield to the official position of the authorities.

The Incompetence of the Generals

The party of war has its spokespersons on social networks through the accounts of those who could be called "extreme patriots". In the meantime, their freedom to speak is not subject to any restrictions, but it worries the leadership, which fears competition for supremacy. "We don't have to fear the liberal Maidan [overthrow of the government in Ukraine in 2014]: the liberals all fled. (...) Today, the only danger for our state is the Maidan of the extreme patriots dyed with a little leftism and supported by debates on corruption" declared Mr. Oleg Matveichev, deputy of the Duma for United Russia, the president's party last February (5)⁵.

Since the beginning of the invasion, the operations have been covered on social networks by so-called "war bloggers" (voienkori), who are actually supporters of the extreme right with military or paramilitary connections. The most famous is Mr. Igor Strelkov, a former officer of the Federal Security Service (FSB) with monarchist convictions. In 2014, as the commander of a detachment of Russian volunteers, he captured the city of Slovyansko, in the Donbass region of Ukraine. Although Moscow provided military support to the separatists at the time, the capriciousness and fanaticism of their leaders worried the Kremlin (6)⁶. Mr. Strelkov was forced to leave Donbass. Today, his channel on Telegram has almost one million subscribers. In it, he complains that the Kremlin is not fighting the Ukrainian enemy vigorously enough. After the military setbacks in the fall of 2022, Strelkov and other radical nationalists are condemning the shortcomings of President Putin's regime: inadequate organization of supplies for the army, the weakness of the defense industry, the incompetence and corruption of generals, and a second-rate ruling an elite who lives in luxury while the homeland is in danger. They even insinuate that part of President Putin's entourage secretly wishes to reconcile with the West, even if that means capitulation. "If they leave Russia during this war, we probably won't be able to touch their dear partners in the West, but with them we will do everything possible to settle the accounts," Mr. Strelkov wrote on February 3, 2023. He doubts that the current government is capable of winning the war. "The Great Disturbance [as he calls the consequences of the war] is now inevitable. Those in high places know this well, and they are worried. Our goal is to transform the Disturbance into a national and patriotic victory", wrote Mr. Maksim Kalashnikov (7)⁷, an admirer of Joseph Stalin's power politics, and an ally of Mr. Strelkov.

The "anger" of patriots outside the system has spread to loyalists in the war camp, a cause of great concern for the Kremlin. Against a background of competition with the generals of the ordinary army, Mr. Yevgeny Prigozhin, owner of the Wagner group, a private military company deployed heavily in Ukraine, now speculates about the problems of social inequality, corruption and incompetence of the military hierarchy. But his public activism displeased the presidential administration, which barred him from prisons, where he recruited volunteers for the front from among the prison inmates. The new chief of the military staff, Valerij Gerassimov, reduced the supply of ammunition to Wagner. The reaction of this former staunch supporter of the president was to force his fighters to record videos in the style of Mr. Strelkov, in which the commanders and officials were accused of treason. In one of them, a fighter declares, standing in front of corpses: "Stop the nonsense, (...) let us defend our homeland (8)⁸." Mr. Prigozhin took a further step when, in a video that appeared on the day of the May 9 celebrations (victory against Nazism, according to the Soviet calendar), he evoked "a happy grandfather [who believes that everything is fine]". "What will become of Russia if it turns out, and I'm only guessing, that this grandpa is a complete scoundrel?" he added, in an almost self-evident allusion to Mr. Putin.

The soldiers and officers in the trenches are also angry. The mobilization announced at the end of September 2022 recruited between 320,000 soldiers (according to official figures) and 500,000 (according to independent estimates (9)⁹. Recent measures adopted by the Duma in April 2023 - electronic mobilization calls, bans on going abroad for conscripts, blocking of sales of the real estate of exiles - should increase their numbers. The mobilization mainly affected the poorest regions, especially small towns and villages in economically distressed provinces, which make up Mr. Putin's traditional electorate. The authorities initially called for reserve officers and citizens with special military skills: middle-aged men from regions far from Moscow, with low or medium incomes. Most of them are "neutralists," that is, the social group that supports the war not out of militaristic conviction but out of loyalty. But it is they who are now being hit by the full force of combat operations.

To prevent rebellion, the state spares no expense. Salaries average 200,000 rubles a month (about 2,500 euros), ten times more than what a worker could hope to earn in a small town in a deindustrialized region. In April, Mr. Putin announced the creation of a special fund for bereaved family members and war veterans. But in a video posted on his YouTube channel Roi on February 5, Mr. Kalashnikov believes that only victory will ensure the survival of the regime: "A completely new reality is emerging. Soldiers are about to return from the front, holding weapons. They will resemble the German and Italian veterans of the First World War: they will return as maximalists, with a strong sense of justice defied. And they will not listen to the obscenities of United Russia."

In the meantime, the soldiers expressed their "maximalism" in other ways. Spontaneous riots, although sporadic, began to occur. Soldiers protest the lack of equipment and training, leave their squads voluntarily, clash with their officers and stop transport trains. The authorities succeeded in extinguishing the first wave of discontent by repression: soldiers were locked in cellars, beaten and intimidated. Some of the rebels were sentenced to long periods of imprisonment as an example for others (10)¹⁰. In January, mobilized soldiers were transported en masse from rear detachments to the front, and casualties rose extremely high. Although in 2022 journalists were able to compile the names of Russian military personnel killed every week at from 200 to 250 (real losses could be much higher), by March 2023. the list had reached more than 800 names every week (11)¹¹.

The press reports on cases of desertions, of which the real numbers are probably higher. Soldiers run away from hospitals (12)¹², jump off trains taking them to the front (13)¹³, drive tens of kilometres and get lost in the rear (14)¹⁴. Relatives of mobilized soldiers have set up online forums to help deserters plan their routes, find housing and avoid military patrols. In February and early March, no less than eighteen videos were posted on the Internet in which entire squads of mobilized soldiers refused to carry out combat missions and asked to be returned to the rear (15)¹⁵.

The anthropologist Aleksandra Arkhipova counted at least 85 places in 65 cities where locals brought flowers and toys, a silent, sloganless gesture of solidarity with Ukrainians and opposition to the war (16)¹⁶. Despite this deliberate discretion, some were arrested next to these "flower monuments" and were convicted of "discrediting the Russian army". But despite this, several thousand Russians deliberately put themselves at risk. The researcher and her team realized that many of them had never participated in opposition rallies before. Monuments appeared in cities that had never before been centers of protests against the registry: Orenburg, Nizhny Tagil, Omsk, Gorno-Altaysko.

Flowers of Protest

Only a quarter of these floral monuments appeared in places associated with Ukraine, such as streets with "Ukrainian" names. In 47 of the 85 cases, these commemorations took place in places associated with victims of state crimes or misdeeds: monuments to the victims of Stalinist terrorism and man-made disasters such as Chernobyl, places where opponents died. "The message is unequivocal: the state has killed people before, it is killing people now, and it will kill people again," Arkhipova says. In the cities of Chakhty and Saratov, monuments to the victims of fascism were chosen as memorials, making a comparison between the war of aggression against Ukraine and the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. Another wave of "flower protests" took place on the first anniversary of the war. Despite more severe repression by the police, at least 82 spontaneous places of remembrance reappeared in 59 cities (17)¹⁷. Placing flowers on monuments to the victims of the state thus became an ongoing form of collective action by opponents of the war.

Although the war inspired a wave of patriotism, this must be qualified. Across all social strata and ideological camps, the same process takes place: "us" and "them" take on new meanings. The first encompasses variously "ordinary people", "true patriots", "victims of the state", but the last one is less ambiguous: it concerns those in authority, and no longer only the external enemy. Without a transformation of the situation on the battlefield, the front could move to the homeland. And in the eyes of people on all sides, from nationalists to pacifists, this government, which led the country into disaster, will appear as the sole culprit. Then, the battle for Ukraine will become a battle for a new Russia.

Alexej Sakhin and Lisa Smirnova The article was translated from Russian by Bleuenn Isambard, and into English by Reddebrek.

1The figures given in the article are taken from opinion polls carried out by three research organizations or collectives, the Levada Institute, Kroniki and Russian Field, which receives no public funds. They registered between 56% and 77% of opinions favouring the war in February. The number varies according to the wording of the question.

2Karine Clément, Quiet social protest in Russia. Ordinary social criticism and nationalism, Éditions du Croquant, Vulaines-sur-Seine, 2021.

3'One year of the special military operation: the opinion of the Russians' (in Russian), opinion poll conducted between January 31 and February 6, 2023, Russian Field, https://russianfield.com

4Ibid.

5'Members of United Russia warn of Maidan threat of extreme patriotism' (Russian), Politnavigator, 3 February 2023, www.politnavigator.net

6See Juliette Faure, 'Who are the falcons of Moscow?', Le Monde Diplomatique, April 2022.

7’Dangers and demons of the Great Disturbance’, Livejournal (retejo de blogoj), la 7-a de Januaro 2023, https://m-kalashnikov.livejournal.com

8In a channel called 'Razbruzka_vagnera', Telegram, February 17, 2023.

9'Let's get married. Growing number of wedding parties shows that at least 492,000 people were mobilized in Russia until mid-October' (in Russian), Mediazona, 24 October 2022, https://zona.media

10('Soldier who admonished an officer was sentenced to five and a half years of imprisonment under harsh conditions' (Russian), Gazeta.ru, January 11, 2023, www.gazeta.ru

11Russia's losses in Ukraine, graph regularly updated, Mediazona, https://zona.media/casualties

12'Wounded soldier from the Tyumen region escaped from the hospital in Mirny' (Russian), Tyumen Online, February 7, 2023, https://72.ru

13'Mobilizers escaped from their train in the Voronezh region' (in Russian), RBK, February 5, 2023, www.rbc.ru

14At the border with Donbas, in the Rostov region, a deserter is arrested' (in Russian), Bezformata, February 3, 2023, https://rostovnadonu.bezformata.com

15'The mobilized send their complaints', Telegram, channel 'Viorstka', March 9, 2023, https://t.me/svobodnieslova/1566

16Aleksandra Arkhipova, 'Consent as a form of protest' (in Russian), Kholod, February 2, 2023, https://holod.media

17Calculation made by Alexandra Arkhipova and published on Telegram on February 27, 2023, https://t.me/anthro_fun/2075